Politics and Governance

Amb. Wolfgang Ischinger Urges Inclusion of Russia in G8

EWI Board Member and Chairman of the Munich Conference, Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger, is saying that Russia should not have been excluded from the G8. 

Quoted in The Voice of Russia on June 7, Ischinger made it clear that exclusion of Russia from the G8 and the subsequent bilateral meetings between the country and the G7 would not be enough. Worse still, he claimed that such a framework of communication was likely to create conflicting messages regarding the situation in the Ukraine.

He also said that because countries like the US and Russia were discussing the next steps for the Ukraine, it made sense to do so together. “’In terms of sensible diplomacy, talking is never wrong,’” he stated.

Read the full article here.

Daily Ukraine Crisis Updates – June 6, 2014

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Writing for New Europe, EWI's Professorial Fellow Greg Austin argues that the creation of the Eurasian Union—a union between Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan—will test relations with the EU. Read more 

There were clear warning signs to the Ukraine crisis, says Greg Austin. "If we want to get that future plan right, we do need to have some understanding of what went wrong." Read more 

EWI’s Danila Bochkarev busts some prevailing myths and explains why the Ukraine crisis is a political earthquake and not an energy quake. Read more 

Bochkarev says the recent China-Russia gas deal is more practical than political. Read more 

Firestein's Hill Testimony: A Fresh Approach to Reducing Cross-Strait Military Tension

EWI’s David Firestein presented central findings from Threading the Needle: Proposals for U.S. and Chinese Actions on Arms Sales to Taiwan—EWI’s groundbreaking report on U.S. arms sales to Taiwan—at a Hill hearing on June 5, 2014. The hearing, “Recent Developments in China’s Relations with Taiwan and North Korea,” was hosted by the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission

Firestein, a Perot fellow and vice president for the Strategic Trust-Building Initiative and Track 2 Diplomacy, spoke during Panel II on Cross-Strait Military and Security Issues. He noted that the current legal and policy architecture governing U.S. actions toward Taiwan “has created a context within which Taiwan itself, China-Taiwan relations, and U.S.-China relations have been able to develop and blossom despite profound differences between the sides over several major issues.”

However, he stressed the need for a new approach to implementing these policies in a manner that would keep pace with developments in the region and help ease cross-Strait military tensions. “As deeply rooted as it is, and given the trajectory generated by existing policies as currently implemented, this fundamental state of tension could well outlive most of us in this room,” he predicted. Firestein recommended incremental adjustments in U.S. annual arms deliveries to Taiwan—ideally at the same time that China withdraws a portion of its short-range ballistic missiles aimed at Taiwan—and notifications to Congress of such arms sales on a regular, predictable and normalized schedule. He argued that these adjustments could be made while maintaining policies in place for U.S.-Taiwan relations, continuing the sale of defensive arms to Taiwan in the future and continuing to encourage and commit to promoting relations with Taiwan within the constraints of U.S.-China policy. He made it clear that there could be no progress without the participation of the U.S., China and Taiwan.

The U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission (USCC) was created by the U.S. Congress in October 2000. The Commission’s legislative mandate is to monitor, investigate and submit to Congress an annual report on the national security implications of the bilateral trade and economic relationship between the U.S. and the People’s Republic of China. The Commission provides recommendations to Congress for legislative and administrative action. 

Click here for full text of testimony and video (Panel II begins at 2:11:48).

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Oral testimony transcript

Q & A transcript

Afghanistan Reconnected: Regional Economic Security Beyond 2014

EWI's latest report—a culmination of two years work—illustrates how regional collaboration would strengthen economic, political and social ties between Central Asia and South Asia and contribute to a more stable Afghanistan in 2014 and beyond. 

Afghanistan’s economic development is at a critical and exciting juncture as international troops withdraw at the end of this year, and the country elects a new president. The EastWest Institute Brussels Center proudly presents Afghanistan Reconnected: Regional Economic Security Beyond 2014, which focuses on the economic opportunities of the country’s transition from a security and aid-dependent economy to one reconnected to the region. This report’s findings are the culmination of four meetings organized by EWI, which occurred in Istanbul, Islamabad, New Delhi and Berlin, over the last two years, on cross-border economic challenges and opportunities. These engagements enabled leaders from Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Turkmenistan, Iran, China, the European Union, the United States and other nations to exchange ideas, identify opportunities and clarify obstacles to growth.

Afghanistan’s considerable prospects exist in agriculture, in mining and as an energy transit hub at the crossroads of Asia, through which resources can pass to the fast-growing markets of East and South Asia. 

“Afghanistan has billions of dollars of mineral resources, such as iron, copper, gold, rare earths, lithium, which can be an important foundation for economic development,” EWI’s Chief Operating Officer James Creighton said. “The prospects for hydrocarbon industry development, mining sector growth and trade and transport expansion are recognized as sources of tremendous potential,” Creighton added.

He also stressed that the prospects for business development in these sectors combined with an energetic, increasingly educated and young population offer a climate for positive change.  

“We wanted to generate knowledge and interest in the region in Afghanistan’s economic potential and highlight the win-win potential,” Ambassador Dr. Beate Maeder-Metcalf, EWI vice president and director for Regional Security, said. 

EWI engaged high-level stakeholders—decision-makers from the government and the business sectors—to revitalize economic cooperation within the region. The World Bank and the European External Action Service participated at these meetings, stressing the transformative potential of this opportunity, including access to new markets, enhanced energy security and greatly increased job opportunities for the entire region.

Afghanistan Reconnected illustrates how this regional cooperation and collaboration would strengthen economic, political and social ties between Central Asia and South Asia and contribute to a more stable Afghanistan for years to come.

Read the one-page executive summary.

Click here to download the report

Daily Ukraine Crisis Updates – June 5, 2014

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  • The Ukrainian Interior Ministry designated the 'people's governor' of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic, Pavlo Hubarev, and the 'prime minister' of the self-proclaimed Luhansk People's Republic, Vasyl Nikitin as “wanted”. 

Daily Ukraine Crisis Updates – June 4, 2014

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China-Russia Gas Deal is More Practical than Political

On May 21, Presidents Putin and Xi Jinping signed a $400 billion Russian–Chinese gas deal in Shanghai. According to the contract, Gazprom will supply the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) via Power of Siberia gas pipeline with 38 billion cubic meters (bcm) over 30 years, from 2018/2020. Gazprom’s largest contract will be based on the supplies originating from the Kovykhta and Chayanda gas fields in Eastern Siberia. The project will cost $75 billion, with the Chinese share amounting to $45 billion ($20 billion—in direct investment and $25 billion in pre-payment for the Russian gas). Gazprom will have to spend $30 billion on this project, which is already labeled the largest construction site in Russia.  The deal is frequently seen as a skillfully planned political response to the sanctions imposed on Russia by the U.S. and the EU, and also as a means of diversifying away from the European energy market. While these considerations indeed played a significant role in an expedient conclusion of ten years of negotiations, it is possible that they were not the key arguments that closed the deal. In reality, it may be that commercial and geographic interests played a greater role than pure politics did.

There are six factors that played key roles in the rapid advancement of this deal:

1. “It is geography, stupid.”

According to the contract, Gazprom will supply the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) via Power of Siberia gas pipeline with 38 billion cubic meters (bcm) over 30 years, from 2018 through 2020. Gazprom’s largest contract will be based on the supplies originating from the Kovykhta (number two on map) and Chayanda (number three on map) gas fields in Eastern Siberia. The project will cost $75 billion, with the Chinese share amounting to $45 billion ($20 billion—in direct investment and $25 billion in pre-payment for the Russian gas). Gazprom will have to spend $30 billion on this project, which is already labeled the largest construction site in Russia.        

Why go to China? One reason is that East Siberian gas is too far away from Europe. Local gas demand is too low to justify development of the Chyanada and Kovykhta fields with a total reserve base of over 3 trillion cubic meters (tcm). China, with its booming economy and rapidly increasing usage of natural gas, seems to be the perfect client for Gazprom. 

The geographical imperative also played an important role in China’s decision to go ahead with the gas deal— Power of Siberia will go directly into the northeast China with a particularly high natural gas demand. Furthermore, security of supplies plays an important role in China’s “energy thinking.”  Most of the gas imported by Chinese energy companies is either shipped/transited from potentially unstable Central Asia or transported in the form of liquefied natural gas (LNG) via unprotected sea-lanes and easily lockable “choke points.” These choke points include locations such as the Ormuz Strait in the Persian Gulf or the Strait of Malacca in the Southeast Asia. Therefore, from a security of supply point of view, Russian gas allows China to mitigate the transit/transport risk and to diversify the imported energy supplies.     

2. The ”Gas Glut” in Russia and Europe pushes Gazprom towards new markets in Asia.

Russia’s internal market is oversupplied with natural gas, with the glut amounting to about 20 billion to 30 billion bcm (billion cubic metres) of supply per year. Several factors have contributed to this surplus: Slower industrial growth, particularly in Russia’s energy-intensive industries, sent annual gas consumption sharply down. In 2011, demand was 496.3 bcm, compared to last year’s record of just 456.3 bcm. While Gazprom’s exports to Europe rose unexpectedly last year to a record of 162.7 billion cm, it continued to shed market share in Russia, which fell by about 6 percent during the course of 2012. Gazprom’s Chief Executive Alexei Miller even indirectly admitted the existence of under-used spare production capacity, when he said the company’s output capacity could be rapidly increased by 130 bcm/year.

European gas markets are also over-regulated, and EU internal gas consumption is unlikely to grow fast, at least in the years to come. Present market conditions coupled with often-excessive subsidies for renewables renders the immediate future for gas in Europe rather bleak. On the contrary, natural gas consumption in Asia is set to grow as the region’s economies expand. Asian customers are often happy to pay higher prices and even provide necessary investment for the upstream hydrocarbon projects in order to attract additional supplies.    

3. Russia’s trade deficit is offset.

China is Russia’s single largest trade partner. The trade between the two countries accounted for $90 billion in 2013, and is set to increase to $200 billion by 2020. Russia has a surplus in trade with its main commercial partners—the EU, Turkey, Ukraine, the U.S. and Japan—but not with China. In 2013, Moscow had a $10 billion trade deficit in its trade with Beijing and this gap is rapidly widening. Gas exports to China which would easily reach $13-14 billion a year will help to offset growing imbalances in the trade relations between the two countries.  

4. Lack of clarity exists on prospects for a rapid shale gas revolution in China.

In 2012, the Chinese government released its Five-Year Plan for the development of unconventional gas, setting ambitious production targets. Shale gas production is set to grow from 6.5 bcm per year in 2015 to at least 60 bcm per year in 2020. However, at present only two companies—China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation (Sinopec) and a joint venture between Royal Dutch Shell and CNPC—have made visible progress with a total of 100 wells drilled in China. The progress in shale gas development is being compromised by the difficult geological structure of China’s shale gas reservoirs, lack of water supplies for fracking activities and insufficient technological base. Furthermore, China’s gas consumption is growing at a faster rate than forecasted—the country’s natural gas use increased by 13.9 percent to 167.6 bcm last year and this number is expected to reach 186 bcm by the end of 2014. In these circumstances, Beijing is forced to use all possible sources of gas, whether they might be domestically produced or bought abroad.

5. The gas deal sets LNG “Price Floor” for China and helps grow the Russian economy.

China is expected to pay for Russian gas at a rate of $10.5 - $11 per million British thermal units (BTU) or $370-$390 per thousand cubic meters. This is significantly cheaper than what Chinese companies are currently paying for their LNG imports. The LNG import price in northeast Asia oscillates between $13.5 and $19.7 per million BTU—affordable Russian gas supplies increases Beijing’s bargaining power vis-à-vis liquefied gas exporters, potentially forcing them to lower gas prices.

Russia's economy will also benefit from this deal. According to Bank of America’s report released on May 27, 2014, and the Moscow business daily paper Vedomosti, the Russia-China gas project will boost investment in Russia’s economy and might increase its’ GDP growth to 2.1 percent in 2015.

6. The Growing Strategic Significance of China’s Economy.

This agreement, conditioned mostly by economic and geographical imperatives, highlights the growing strategic significance of China’s economy. Traditionally Soviet and Russian policies were Euro-centric, which reflected the key role the Euro-Atlantic region had played in the world affairs since the 16th century. However, in the last decade the power and economic balance was rapidly shifting towards the Asia–Pacific region, with China becoming the world’s second biggest economy. Washington was quick in responding to this shift, by partially “switching” to Asia. Until now Moscow had little to offer except rhetoric. Last year’s Rosneft deal and Gazprom’s contract were the first real steps towards this new Asian policy.        

Indeed, it would have been strange to see two neighboring countries—the world’s largest energy consumer (China) and the world’s largest energy exporter (Russia)—being engaged in anything other than a  full-scale energy trade. The deal also proves that all is not lost for pipeline gas, as it could still compete with LNG. The China-Russia deal revived Tokyo’s interest in building a pipeline link between Russia’s Sakhalin Island and Japan. The project could lower Japan’s energy bill substituting LNG supplies with a less expensive pipeline gas.

Photo credit: greg westfall via Flickr 

Daily Ukraine Crisis Updates – June 3, 2014

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