Politics and Governance

Japan Embraces India as China Looms

In an article for Al Jazeera America, EWI Fellow Jonathan Miller discusses the recent advancements in Japan-India relations and how they may impact the regional balance of power.

Last week Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe concluded a visit to India with an armful of key agreements and a solidification of Tokyo’s rapidly maturing relationship with New Delhi. During the summit, Abe and his Indian counterpart, Narendra Modi, agreed to a “special strategic and global partnership” premised on closer cooperation, economically and through stronger bonds on defense and security.

Japan’s approach to Asia — especially its relationship with India — has been reinforced by Abe’s hard line against Chinese assertiveness and his desire to tap into India’s rich investment opportunities. Ties with India have also blossomed because of the amicable personal relationship between Abe and Modi, who knew each other for years before taking their current positions.

The China-Japan relationship, despite some recent signs of improvement, has been toxic for the past several years as a result of the two countries’ territorial dispute in the East China Sea. Amplifying these tensions are Tokyo’s concerns about Beijing’s defense posture, cyberattacks and military modernization, especially in the maritime domain. India also has a complicated relationship with China and remains wary of its territorial claims in their disputed border region. Additionally, India is concerned with the growing security relationship between its traditional regional rival, Pakistan, and China.

There were three key takeaways from the recent Abe-Modi meeting, each of which will continue to shape the region’s geopolitical landscape. First, Japan won a lucrative $12 billion contract to help India build its first high-speed rail project. The massive investment deal will link Mumbai to Ahmedabad through the construction of a Japanese-style bullet train. The infusion of Japan’s high-speed rail technology has the potential to be an enormous boon for India’s transportation sector. Moreover, the pact follows up on Japan’s multibillion-dollar deal to help build Delhi’s new mass rapid transit system.

The high-speed train deal is also significant because it follows Japan’s failed bid to provide similar technological assistance to Indonesia, losing out to China, which made the winning bid to construct the Jakarta-Bandung high-speed rail line. Securing the rail deal with India has allowed Japan to recoup some of its losses and refocus its energies on the Indian transportation market.

Second, the two countries enjoy a budding relationship in the transfer of civilian nuclear energy and related technologies. After years of painstaking negotiations, both sides agreed to work toward completing their long-standing discussions on enhancing civilian nuclear cooperation. Japan’s strong nuclear nonproliferation commitments and principles collided with the notion of open nuclear trade with India, a state that remains outside the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

Tokyo’s decision to relent and agree to a cooperation deal with New Delhi is a significant shift that provides benefits to both sides. Japan can profit through the sale of its nuclear technology to a booming market in India, and India benefits from Japan’s high level of expertise in the field and from its de facto recognition of India as a nuclear state.

Third, the two countries will step up security and defense relations. Earlier this year, Abe and Modi agreed to the establishment of regular national security consultations and the possibility of greater cooperation in the trade of defense materials. Symbolizing this increased security cooperation was India’s decision to invite Japan to take part as a regular member in the annual Malabar naval drills alongside the United States.

The two governments inked two key agreements concerning the transfer of defense equipment and technology and security measures for the protection of classified military information to allow for greater cooperation and facilitate greater intelligence and military information sharing. The growth in security relations between New Delhi and Tokyo has re-energized attempts to have a more meaningful trilateral relationship with the U.S. The three governments held their first trilateral foreign ministers’ meeting earlier this year on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York.

Tokyo’s approach to South Asia is critical, as it helps round out Abe’s strategy of reinvigorating ties with states on China’s periphery in order to bolster partnerships and balance Beijing’s influence. Japan has made significant inroads with other states in the region that traditionally have been more aligned with Chinese interests, such as Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal and the Maldives.

But Japan’s growing relationship with the region remains rooted in its ties with India. By building stronger economic and defense ties, the New Delhi–Tokyo partnership is demonstrating the potential for significant cooperation between two key players in Asia. The next step will be to ensure that the two sides live up to their commitments and navigate their way to a common strategic vision.

 

To read this article on Al Jazeera America, click here.

Afghanistan Reconnected - Advocacy and Outreach Mission to Afghanistan

Working Together to Unlock Regional Trade

An international high-level expert delegation, led by the EastWest Institute (EWI), discussed with representatives of the Ghani administration the regional economic growth proposals developed over three years of the Afghanistan Reconnected Process. The delegation’s visit to Kabul allowed it not only to advocate and update recommendations to unlock regional trade developed during previous years, but also to share the findings of the Missions to Pakistan, India and Tajikistan carried out by the institute over the course of 2015.

Download the report here.

China and the Primacy of Domestic Politics

The EastWest Institute has engaged intensively with China in November and December, running two top-level bilateral meetings between Chinese and American leaders. Here are my takeaways. 2016 can be a very important year for both countries to set their sights long-term, for mutual benefit.

This is not to say that there aren't immediate challenges. At the High Level Security Dialogue, in November in Beijing, top American experts discussed tough issues with their Chinese interlocutors—among them top Party leaders, defense- and foreign-ministry-associated think tank experts, and even uniformed military—from the South China Sea to U.S.-Taiwan relations to North Korea. In all these areas, there are substantial differences. Similarly, at the Sanya talks in December in Beijing, which brought together senior retired military leaders from both countries, discussions focused on these flashpoints and it was evident that both sides were far apart.

But it was also clear that Chinese leaders hope to make clear that they do not seek a confrontation with the United States. This had much to do with the focus on the top Chinese leadership on efforts at domestic reforms and the challenges they pose to China. Looming in the background of every foreign policy discussion were such domestic tasks as coping with falling growth rates, restructuring the economy toward higher-value manufacturing and services, meeting the growing demands of the Chinese people for action against environmental destruction and ecological poisoning, and the debt overhang in the provinces. These talks—on the surface, talks about foreign policy issues—were in fact marked by the primacy of domestic politics.

This accounts for the phenomenon that many find in China: that a country that has many of the attributes of a superpower—a sophisticated military and a GDP that rapidly approaches that of the United States—still insists that it's a developing country. Our interlocutors claimed that only decades from now, say around 2050, will China mature. Thus we may think of China's achievements, but Chinese leaders choose to speak of all the many difficult obstacles that remain. As we look at the coming year, we may find that this primacy of domestic politics may help us understand Chinese actions and more important, help us avoid unintended conflict.

Certainly, it leads me to predict that certain sharp pronouncements of "core interests" in foreign policy may be just that—pronouncements—rather than indications of foreign policy adventurism. At the heart of it all will be the need for stability in China: the leadership wants stability to allow it to continue its anti-corruption campaign, the far-reaching reform of the People's Liberation Army, and the enormous transition from an export-driven economy to a service economy.

This is where American and Chinese interests can coincide: in a world that appears to many as the most unstable in years, the two most powerful countries may find common ground in their efforts to work together in areas that promote stability. It may be that in 2016 the focus on counter-terrorism, non-proliferation, or the environment may be the areas of greatest opportunity for China and America, setting the foundation for stability. In a year in which domestic issues are at the forefront—after all, it's also an election year in America—these longer-term topics may be the most constructive areas for the two countries to explore.

The Impact of American Diplomacy in the 21st Century

EWI's CEO and President Cameron Munter engaged in conversation with Nicholas Kralev, former Financial Times and Washington Times correspondent, on the topic “The Impact of American Diplomacy in the 21st Century” at the institute's New York Center on December 10. 

 

Their discussion was followed by a question-and-answer session. 

Kralev spoke about his book, America’s Other Army (recently released second edition)—a culmination of 12 years of first-hand research and interviews with over 600 career diplomats, including John Kerry, Hillary Clinton, Condoleezza Rice, Colin Powell and Madeleine Albright—in an effort to make the American Foreign Service more relatable to the people. “American diplomacy is so entrenched in the lives of people everywhere, even if people in a particular country don’t realize it,” he stated. 

Kralev shared some of his insights on U.S. diplomacy, such as the shortcomings in its selection process, credibility and innovation. In response to Munter’s observation that diplomacy today is often carried out by people who aren’t diplomats, Kralev remarked, “The good thing about the Foreign Service is that you don’t always have to know how to do something; you just have to know who can.”

Kralev also asserted that despite its many shortcomings, the U.S. Foreign Service exceeds others’, because of its strong belief in values and its drive to bring about good governance wherever it is needed.

The Heart of Asia

The Fifth “Heart of Asia-Istanbul Process” Summit jointly inaugurated by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Afghan President Ashraf Ghani on Dec 9 in Islamabad counts as a major foreign policy success. 

Given the present situation in the Middle East and the connected problems in adjoining regions, this timely initiative to bring focus firmly on Afghanistan was badly needed. Efforts to revive the stalled Afghan peace talks between the Afghan govt and Taliban group must be encouraged.  

Seven foreign ministers are participants, including all the four neighbouring countries of Pakistan.  Visiting Islamabad for the second time this year, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, by Afghanistan’s Foreign Minister Salahuddin Rabbani and unusually upbeat on arrival, India’s Minister for External Affairs Ms Sushma Swaraj with Iran’s Foreign Minister Jawad Zarif making his third visit in about four months.  High-ranking delegations from 14 participating countries, 17 supporting countries and 12 international and regional organisations included the former US Ambassador to Pakistan Richard Olson (now US Representative to Pakistan and Afghanistan), with senior representatives coming from Russia, Saudi Arabia, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, Turkey, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and the UAE. 

An Afghanistan and Turkey joint initiative, the “Istanbul Process” provides a fresh agenda for regional cooperation by engaging the ‘Heart of Asia’ countries in sincere and result-oriented cooperation to secure a peaceful, stable and prosperous Afghanistan.  Political initiatives between land-locked Afghanistan and its near and extended neighbours will include a continuous and effective dialogue concerning all issues of common interest and importance. “Confidence Building Measures” (CBMs)  identified in the “Istanbul Process” document enhances the building of trust and confidence among the regional countries.  Existing regional organisations have an important role in strengthening and promoting of economic cooperation and integration, improved security and enhanced people-to-people relations. Not a substitute for existing efforts, this process complements the work of regional organisations, particularly relating to Afghanistan.

Following his inauguration, Afghanistan’s President Ashraf Ghani had made a courageous outreach to Pakistan, this included a historic visit to Pakistan’s GHQ.  Hopes were raised very high, to quote my article of Nov 20, 2014, “The Making of History”, “Throwing aside diplomatic norms, the Afghanistan’s President visited GHQ immediately after landing at Islamabad. A foreign Head of State heading straight towards a military HQ on arrival carries a lot more than ceremonial importance, the Afghan President means business because he well understands where the real power concerning national security rests. Subsequently Ashraf Ghani described his discussions the next day with the Pakistani PM as “a shared vision to serve as the heart of Asia, ensuring economic integration by enhancing connectivity between South and Central Asia through energy, gas and oil pipelines becoming a reality and not remaining a dream. The narrative for the future must include the most neglected of our people becoming stakeholders in a prosperous economy in stable and peaceful countries, our faiths are linked because terror knows no boundaries. We have overcome obstacles of 13 years in three days, we will not permit the past to destroy the future,” unquote. 

The past came to haunt us when the last minute news of the death of Mullah Omar, the former spiritual head of the Taliban, was deliberately leaked, motivated by “spoilers” to not only derail the talks but raise serious doubts about Pakistan’s intentions.  With this huge setback the talks failed and Kabul witnessed several major terrorist attacks, forcing Ashraf Ghani to backtrack on his peace initiative, deciding to only resume talks when Pakistan was ready to talk “honestly” about peace in Afghanistan.  This week’s conference is a real opportunity for the two countries to work out their differences and negotiate a settlement. To quote former Afghan govt official (and now Consultant) Habib Wayand, “This Conference is a chance to out-flank the “spoilers” on both sides and produce a far-sighted vision for the region, producing strategies for achieving lasting peace and prosperity.” For its part Afghanistan needs to avoid pursuing irresponsible and irrational anti-Pakistan agendas, blaming Pakistan for every terrorist incident.  Kabul needs to concentrate on job-creation to prevent the exodus of young Afghans from the country and/or their being recruited by insurgent groups.

Peace in Afghanistan will create opportunities for greater economic links between Central Asia and South Asia.  Afghanistan has been conducting its foreign trade largely through Pakistan and could facilitate Pakistan for its trade with Central Asia and, more importantly, for bringing electricity and gas from Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan into South Asia. To quote my article of Dec 12, 2014 a year ago, “Reconnecting Afghanistan”, “Economic resurgence for land-locked countries requires facilitating trade to and through their territory.  The EastWest Institute (EWI), a New York-based leading US think tank, headed by Ross Perot Jr, initiated the “Abu Dhabi Process” — a cross-border trade dialogue co-funded by Abu Dhabi and Germany — between Afghanistan and the countries on its periphery. Hosted by the EWI, the recent Istanbul conference encouraged businesses in South and Central Asia to themselves take necessary initiatives to unlock trade and kick-start the war-ravaged Afghan economy.” 

Welcoming Ms Sushma Swaraj to Islamabad, Advisor to the PM Sartaj Aziz said that beyond the confines of the Conference itself, bi-lateral discussions between India and Pakistan focussed on resumption of composite dialogue between the two countries but included various matters.  He had earlier said, “The visit is part of efforts to restart peace dialogue plagued by militant attacks and distrust. This is a good beginning. The deadlock has eased to some extent.” Modi’s Govt seems set on a “course correction”, maybe PCB Chairman Shahryar Khan will not have to bend on his knees begging India anymore for resumption of cricket ties.

For Pakistan it was important to showcase the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), an economic force-multiplier for peace and stability in the region.  With its vast pool of skilled manpower to go with its enormous raw material reserves, this country has the potential of becoming one of the most powerful economic engines in the region.

Whether it is Paris, Mali, San Bernardino, Yemen, Libya or the Iraq/Syria virtual cauldron, the world is in a state close to undeclared world war where borders are of least (or even no) consequence given the rise of the “Islamic State” in the areas adjacent to Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey (with Kurdistan, a State that is not a State thrown in).  Every small step to contain such destructive and brutal forces is a giant step towards peace and stability in the world.  The “Heart of Asia” initiative is an appropriate epitaph for our brave soldiers who have selflessly shed blood giving the ultimate sacrifice securing Pakistan and making it peaceful.

 

Click here to read Ikram Sehgal's article "Reconnecting Afghanistan".

Click here to read EWI's report on "Afghanistan Reconnected: Advocacy and Outreach Mission to Tajikistan".

U.S.-China Sanya Initiative 6th Meeting Report

The EastWest Institute (EWI), in partnership with the China Association for International Friendly Contact (CAIFC), convened the sixth meeting of the U.S.-China Sanya Initiative from December 4 to 7, 2015. 

Senior retired flag officers of the U.S. Army, Navy and Air Force traveled to Beijing, China to meet with retired flag officers of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to discuss critical issues in the U.S.-China military-to-military relationship. The delegations spent one-and-a-half days in off-the-record dialogue and also met with sitting members of China’s Central Military Commission.

The dialogue sessions covered a range of topics of importance to the United States and China. Discussion focused on Chinese President Xi Jinping’s state visit to the United States; measures for building trust between the U.S. and Chinese militaries; maritime issues in the South and East China Seas; and other issues of mutual interest such as U.S.-China relations under the next U.S. presidential administration, North Korea and counterterrorism. Both sides agreed that cultivating communication and mutual understanding between the militaries of the United States and China is essential for fostering the cooperation necessary to address the world’s most difficult issues.

Since 2008, the Sanya Initiative has regularly brought together retired American and Chinese senior generals and admirals in order to build stronger military-to-military ties between the United States and China.

9th U.S.-China High-Level Security Dialogue

A high-level U.S. delegation led by EWI CEO and President Cameron Munter held four days of meetings with top Chinese officials and experts from November 16-19, 2015, in Beijing. 

The confidential meetings, organized by EWI in partnership with the China Institute of International Studies, marked the 9th U.S.-China High-Level Security Dialogue, which occurred on the heels of Chinese President Xi Jinping’s first state visit to the United States and China’s Fifth Plenum. 

The High-Level Security Dialogue is an annual dialogue between U.S. and Chinese academics, former and current military and government officials, and business leaders. The goal of the dialogue is to increase understanding between the two sides on the most challenging issues in the bilateral relationship and to generate concrete recommendations to policymakers in both countries on ways to promote mutual long-term trust and confidence.

The key discussions during the week focused on a wide range of issues, including strategic relations in the Asia-Pacific, cybersecurity, counterterrorism, military confidence-building measures, the impact of distinctions between “Chinese” and “Western” values on U.S.-China relations and the role of U.S. and Chinese public opinion in the bilateral relationship.  

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